I am now in Wuhan, China, setting up fieldwork site. I’ve been talking to Wuhan University and some local schools about my dissertation research on analyzing how migrants’ use of technology is reshaping the urban space and how internet policies affect migrants’ communication patterns. Before I head to Beijing on June 14th to work with the CNNIC (China Internet Network Information Center) to look at how their policies affect migrants use of internet cafes and mobile phones - I thought it would be a good idea to travel to other parts of China to talk to youth and families about their use of internet cafes.

I am so glad I did this for 2 reasons. 1) because I now understand the extent of internet addiction as a serious problem among youth in China.
2.) and I have a better sense of the social context of the addiction problem among migrant youth in urban China.

There are critiques coming from the West about China’s “heavy handed” internet policies, such as the stopping of internet cafe permits. But many of these critiques don’t understand the social context of this policy. Internet addiction among under-served urban youth is a serious problem in China. A policy such as a temporary halt in internet cafe permits is an example of an state attempt to deal with this social problem. In the West - we tend to see any attempts to regulate “information access” as a violation of rights - but we do it all the time with parental controls on televisions, internet browsers, search engines and etc - so why we not willing to understand it within a Chinese context?

From my brief talks with the principal of a local school for children of migrants - I found out that the principal is absolutely bewildered by how to deal with internet addiction among the teenage youth. The school serves 1st through 9th graders - and he says that starting at 5th grade they are going to internet cafes for hours and whole nights to just play games - they aren’t doing their homework.

With this new information - i am considering changing the focus of my dissertation to be about technology usage within the context of an urban migrant family unit. I would still look at how migrants’ use of technology is reshaping urban space - but i specifically would look at migrant families - so that i can understand how the youth, mother and/or father is using ICTs. So a new focus would be how technology is used across generations within one family. For example - is the mother primarily relying on her mobile to find work while the teenage youth is using the internet cafe as a form of entertainment and hanging out with friends? What are they using to contact their family in the villages? to what extent are parents aware of their child’s use of ICTs? How do parents use ICTs to secure social resources for themselves or their child? I have all these new questions after my visit to the school and new framework in which to place internet addiction as a social problem.

i told the principal that I wanted to suggest some sites for the youth to check out to improve their english and math - he absolutely forbade me to encourage them to spend time online - even if it was for educational purposes. he then explained China doesn’t have any free educational sites.

when I spoke to the parent’s of children who spend hours upon hours at internet cafes - all of them told me tht they were fully aware of their child’s pastime - however they said that at least we know they are in ONE place and the internet cafe is safer and cleaner than where we live. Migrants live on the edges of urban areas, many of which may not be as safe as these internet cafes.

I suspect that internet cafes are a form of an after-school program for the kids - the parents feel comfortable knowing that they are in one place. I also suspect that the youth do not know how to use the internet for educational purposes - or more so are their educational resources in China for students? Must find that out.
I also think that parents aren’t able to provide as much material resources for their children compared to middle-class parents - but at the same time they still feel guilty or as if they aren’t doing enough. Therefore, giving them 5 RMB a hour for internet access is the least they feel they can do. It’s kind of like the candy problem in the village where I do fieldwork at in Oaxaca - poorer mothers want to give their child a full meal but are unable to - so they give them a few pesos to buy candy to fill their tummy up - to give them a fake sense of fullness. They don’t know that they are contributing to a future in diabetes by doing this - and even if they did - what can they do? their child is hungry - but they don’t have enough money for food - candy holds off hunger - and the kids love eating it.

ok back to the internet and China- I wonder if in a way parents are showing their care through giving their children $ for internet cafes and mobile credit to send text messages.

another thought comes to my mind is to find out how the ICTs reshape urban familial relationships.

ok will write more later - I’m writing from an internet cafe with lots of smoke so gotta go!

pic below -me with Jin Ge, founder of the school and the principal

I visited the school while the students were sleeping - i will be returning today to chat with some of the youth during non-nap hours. you can read more about the school and see more photos on my personal blog post about the school visit.

This is the 1st post of a 4-part post on my fieldwork experience in Oaxaca, Mexico. This are unedited field notes that show the moments that have nothing to do with technology during my fieldwork. Here is where I explain the context for why I’m sharing these notes. (Post 1,Post 2,Post 3,Post 4)

After eating tamales and hugging everyone with the New YEars blessing, Elizabet went to the stereo to turn the radio on. She put in a CD. It was around 11pm and a couple started dancing and then they were joined by Eva and her husband Alex. Eva was wearing high heels - they were too big for her. The shoes were at least 1 inch too long. She painted her nails.  

As I was watching the two couples on the dance floor, I was wondering what the process was to invite more people onto the dance floor and how it people could dance to 5am in the morning. 

Then all of sudden, Ricardo, the 60 year old man,  asked me to dance.  Now we were the 3rd couple. I had no idea what I was doing, but I just hopped around like a bunny hoping that I could pass. This was my first time dancing the Chilena. while it seems easy - just a two step tap with no hands and the couples spin around each other.  it was kinda hard.  I was really embarrassed at first. Ricardo wasn’t too drunk and I heard everyone cheering me on so I kept dancing. When we finished, we sat down.

Then Ricardo asked me to dance again, this second time around everyone had joined the dance floor. I was trying to get the Chilena steps down and every-time I felt tired, I would smile at other people and they would give me energy by giving me words of encouragement. 

Alvaro was very encouraging, every time I looked at him he would smile and be really positive. He always danced with Elizabet. 

In between the Chilenas, people would sit down and wait to be asked onto the dance floor. I eventually started sweating because I wasn’t getting any breaks. The minute I would sit down, someone would ask me to dance. 

Manny dances with such happiness. 

Some parents were dancing. Married couples only dance with each other - they never dance with anyone else.

During the slow dances, husbands and wives usually dance together - even the ones who didn’t dance the Chilena would get up to dance the slow songs. I only did one slow dance with some uncle of Leonardo. He wasn’t creepy. I didn’t like the slow dance because you had to hold hands.

The males were drinking tequila. The women didn’t drink at all. 

Ricardo kept wanting to dance with me.  Dancing with Ricardo beccame increasingly  difficult because he was sweating tequila by the end of the night. He kept asking me to dance. 

I danced with Beni a few times and I also danced with Leondardo.

The dancing continued through 5am. There wasn’t out right pressure to stay, but everyone did through the entire night except for Leondardo’s sister who just had a newborn. Her husband stayed. 

I used the bathroom outside- they have a really nice bathroom - a stall for a toilet and a stall for the shower. They have running water inside where they wash the dishes. Two story house. 

Dancing appears to be a way to socialize kids into dancing at a young age. Adults would dance with kids and old people would dance with younger people. No one ever danced with a partner of the same gender unless it was between two young girls under the age of 12 years old. 

Some people didn’t dance and they just sat there and watched the whole entire time. 

This reminds me of the first time I came in 2007 when there was the big dance fiesta in SAbinillo. All the older people would stand outside of the fences as they watched young people dance inside.

We just danced the Chilenas allll night with the occasional romantico. There were probably only 3-4 songs that were not a romantico or a ____some other type of dance. I kept thinking surely they would change the song….nope…chilenas….ALLL night!

While everyone was dancing, Ricardo made an announcement inviting everyone back over for a posole breakfast in the morning at 8am. It was already around 3am when he made this announcement.

I never saw Beni take his cellphone out. I noticed that the girl with the camera would occasionally take her camera out to take pictures. 

There were no calls to the caseta during the entire night.

It’s impossible to find a clock in the village. People never know the time and if people do have cellphones, they don’t carry it on them. 

I couldn’t believe that everyone stayed until 5am. Even the oldest people!

Post 1 of 4: I touched the stomach of a pregnant Donkey!

Post 2 of 4: spending New Year’s Eve Dancing til 5am

Post 3 of 4: Time for the Jaripeo - Bullriding

Post 4 of 4: Eating Live Insect